Key reforms needed in public universities now

Since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on Aug 5, a myriad of challenges have emerged that need to be addressed by the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus.

Every crisis offers new opportunities, and the new government must now demonstrate a clear strategy for reform to reassure the public.

The newly formed government is a historic first for Bangladesh, characterised by a meritocratic composition that includes renowned Dhaka University professors, bankers, NGO activists, lawyers, former military officers, and emerging leaders.

A recurring theme in their recent statements suggests that all interim advisors are strongly advocating for changes and reforms.

Every sector will be dealt with differently, so I had better limit my scope towards reform in higher education (public universities) today, especially highlighting the immediate reforms we need to envisage.

Firstly, the recent quota reform movement, which led to a change in leadership, has strained the teacher-student relationship to its lowest point. It is imperative to underscore this dynamic because the entire system is built on this provision. Students have alleged that teachers in most public universities failed to support and protect them as their shield.

Rebuilding this once-revered relationship will take time, but teachers must first restore the bond based on mutual trust and shared commitments.

Reflecting on the teachers' movements in 2015 regarding salaries and in 2024 regarding the pension scheme, it is clear that students did not rally for the teachers, even when the 2024 movement was solely for aspiring teachers, not those currently teaching.

This depleted trust has to be restored, and there is no shame in acknowledging that the teachers failed to stand beside their students. Initiating open dialogues between students and teachers is a good starting point for fostering positive change, even if it happens slowly.

Secondly, the government should abstain from inaugurating new universities driven by political stimulants.

The current convention of setting up universities on a district basis has largely affected higher education.

Rather than following this approach, endeavours should be directed towards enhancing the existing universities and elevating them to the status of centres of excellence. It is a well-known fact that the universities lack funding. So, instead of opening new universities, the state should financially empower those existing universities.

Instead of hastily introducing undergraduate programmes immediately after the passage of a university Act, without ensuring adequate physical infrastructure, a more prudent approach would be to provide a grace period for new universities to establish their facilities and academic curriculum. Once these are in place, the universities can proceed with advertising for student admissions.

Thirdly, many universities currently operate without vice-chancellors (VCs), who serve as the de facto chief executives.

Traditionally, only academics close to the government have been appointed to these positions, despite the presence of highly accomplished vice-chancellors with significant academic achievements. It is imperative for the government to prioritise performance over political associations when selecting VCs.

In the words of esteemed political scientist Abdur Razzak, as cited in Ahmed Safa’s noted book, 'Joddopi Amar Guru', VCs should retain a combination of qualities: strong administrative skills and academic excellence.

To reform the process of appointing VCs in universities, it is suggested that the government establish search committees comprising distinguished academics from both home and abroad.

These committees would propose multiple candidates, and the Senate (for universities operating under the 1973 ordinance) and the government (for universities governed by government Acts) would make the final appointment of a VC.

VCs could serve for a single tenure of four years to ensure a psychological change that the chair is not a personal position. Before appointing VCs for an entire tenure, the government could make temporary appointments for a three to six-month period, ensuring that all appointments are time-specific.

On a related note, appointments to top positions like VCs or pro-VCs often happen without public transparency. Given the nature of these roles as tenured positions, universities should issue open job circulars to invite qualified candidates.

This proactive step would reduce the need for teachers to regularly communicate with the ministry by informal channels.

It's quite comical that faculty members have been asked to submit their resumes to the ministry, considering that their academic information is already available online.

It should be a prerequisite for any prospective vice chancellor to have their academic information readily accessible online.

Criteria for appointing a VC should be his 'vision strategy', which s/he will submit through a detailed application and a closed-door talk that includes committee members, the senate, invited faculties, and representative students from every department.

On top of that, any academic having formal affiliation with any political party should be barred from applying for the position.

It is paramount for university leaders, such as VCs, to exhibit the ability to engage with their colleagues and students.

It's important for them to recognise that they are not traditional bosses in the context of a university.

In addition, it's beneficial to consider the criteria of being supportive of both students and teachers.

To drive positive change in academia, it is essential for all universities to appoint VCs who are empathetic and prioritise administrative reform.

This emphasis on administrative reform is foremost, as without it, consequential change within academia in research and teaching will be significantly hindered.

Fourthly, in my decade-long experience of teaching at Dhaka University, I have observed that students struggle every day at the university which begins with an accommodation crisis.

Identifying the causes and implementing interventions could minimise the collective agony that students experience at the university.

For example, a student from a village may seek shelter with political leaders for a place in residential halls, which can ultimately demoralise their academic abilities and lead to underperformance at the university.

Therefore, admission to the universities should be proportionate to the accommodation facilities available.

First-year undergraduate students should be guaranteed accommodation if they need it, as it should be a priority.

The universities should immediately raise funds for constructing new residences or rent buildings to make student accommodation. I can guarantee that with having better accommodation, students will perform much better with ease.

One possible funding for constructing a new residence could be a public-private partnership where the university will allow private donors to construct a residence and the hall could be named after according to the wish of the donors.

Accepting donations towards new residences will reduce the crisis to a great extent. It is quite evident that after the recent change in government, there has been a noticeable shift in hall allotments, indicating a departure from the age-old tradition of allowing ex-students to reside in the halls.

Fifthly, in my experience, one key factor contributing to debilitated teacher-student relationships is the inclusion of house tutors in university residences.

Given that house tutors do not have academic responsibilities in the halls now, I believe that we no longer need them. Instead, having a provost, an assistant provost, and other administrative staff should suffice to manage the residence halls.

Since the halls are not academic spaces, there is no need for teachers to be present.

Unlike at Oxford University, where house tutors have academic roles, we should move away from this outdated approach.

Finally, in light of the current turbulent times, it is essential to address the structural soft aspects of our universities, focusing on research and teaching, which I will discuss in the upcoming episode including issues such as teaching and research facilities and global ranking.

I will also share my teaching experience at the University of Leeds in the next episode which I believe will be instrumental towards the positive changes.

It is imperative to devise a strategic plan that encompasses short-term, medium-term, and long-term objectives.

We should work towards rebuilding not only Dhaka University and Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology, or BUET, but all universities in the country.

This strategic reform will undoubtedly lead to positive changes for the country by building our universities as ‘institutions’. Let us get united for a common cause-rebuild the country.

[The author is a Commonwealth Fellow at the University of Leeds and an assistant professor at the University of Dhaka.]