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Published : 01 Jul 2025, 03:19 PM
The young man’s heart was sliced from his chest and placed on his body. His name was No. 56 on a handwritten list of 60 dead that included his cousins, neighbors and at least six children from their coastal Syrian village.
The men who killed 25-year-old Suleiman Rashid Saad called his father from the young victim’s phone and dared him to fetch the body. It was next to the barbershop.
“His chest was wide open. They cut out his heart. They put it on top of his chest,” said his father, Rashid Saad. It was late afternoon on March 8 in the village of Al-Rusafa. The killings of Alawites were nowhere near over.
The slaughter of Suleiman Rashid Saad was part of a wave of killings by Sunni fighters in Alawite communities along Syria’s Mediterranean coast from March 7 to 9. The violence came in response to a day-old rebellion organised by former officers loyal to ousted President Bashar al-Assad that left 200 security forces dead, according to the government.
A Reuters investigation has pieced together how the massacres unfolded, identifying a chain of command leading from the attackers directly to men who serve alongside Syria’s new leaders in Damascus. Reuters found nearly 1,500 Syrian Alawites were killed and dozens were missing. The investigation revealed 40 distinct sites of revenge killings, rampages and looting against the religious minority, long associated with the fallen Assad government.
The days of killing exposed the deep polarisation in Syria that its new government has yet to overcome, between people who supported Assad, whether tacitly or actively, and those who hoped the rebellion against him would ultimately succeed. Many in Syria resent Alawites, who enjoyed disproportionate influence inside the military and government during Assad’s two-decade rule.
The Reuters findings come as the Trump administration is gradually lifting sanctions on Syria that date back to Assad’s rule. The rapprochement is an awkward one for Washington: Syria’s new government is led by a now-dissolved Islamist faction, formerly known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, which was previously al-Qaeda’s Syria branch, known as the Nusra Front.
The group, formerly led by new Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, has been under UN sanctions since 2014. Al-Sharaa, a Sunni Muslim like the majority of Syrians, became president in January after leading a surprise offensive that culminated in the collapse of Assad’s government and the capture of Damascus.
At least a dozen factions now under the new government’s command, including foreigners, took part in the March killings, Reuters found. Nearly half of them have been under international sanctions for years for human rights abuses, including killings, kidnapping, and sexual assaults.
Syria’s government, including the Defense Ministry and president’s office, did not respond to a detailed summary of the findings of this report or related questions from Reuters about the role of government forces in the massacres.
In an interview with Reuters just days after the killings, al-Sharaa denounced the violence as a threat to his mission to unite the country. He promised to punish those responsible, including those affiliated with the government if necessary.
"We fought to defend the oppressed, and we won't accept that any blood be shed unjustly, or goes without punishment or accountability, even among those closest to us," he said.
Among the units Reuters found to be involved were the government's General Security Service, its main law-enforcement body back in the days when HTS ran Idlib and now part of the Interior Ministry; and ex-HTS units like the elite Unit 400 fighting force and the Othman Brigade. Also involved were Sunni militias that had just joined the government’s ranks, including the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade and Hamza division, which were both sanctioned by the European Union for their role in the deaths. The EU has not sanctioned the ex-HTS units. The United States hasn’t issued any sanctions over the killings.
President al-Sharaa has ordered a committee to investigate the violence and set up “civil peace” mediations.
Yasser Farhan, the spokesperson of the committee, said the president will receive its findings in two weeks as the committee is currently analysing information then writing its final report based on testimonies and information gathered from over 1,000 people, in addition to briefings from officials and interrogations of detainees. He advised Reuters against publishing its findings before the report's release.
“We are unable to provide any responses before completing this process in respect for the integrity of the truth,” he said, adding, “I expect that you will find the results useful, and that they uncover the truth."
Killings continue to this day, Reuters has found.
Syria’s new government has said it feared losing control of the coast to the uprising of Assad supporters. It issued unequivocal orders on March 6 to crush an attempted coup of “Fuloul ,” or “remnants” of the regime, according to six fighters and commanders and three government officials.
Many men who received the commands had been wearing government uniforms for just a few months and shared an interpretation of Sunni Islam notorious for its brutality.
Some that day eagerly interpreted the word “fuloul” to mean any and all Alawites, a minority of 2 million people whom many in Syria blame for the crimes of the Assad family, who are Alawite.
One official of the new government, Ahmed al-Shami, the governor of Tartous province, told Reuters that Alawites are not being targeted. He acknowledged “violations” against Alawite civilians, and estimated around 350 people died in Tartous, in line with what Reuters also found. That figure has never been published by the government.
“The Alawite sect is not on any list, black, red or green. It’s not criminalized and it’s not targeted for retaliation. The Alawites faced injustice just like the rest of the Syrian people in general” under Assad, the governor said. “The sect needs safety. It’s our duty as a government which we will work on.”
In response to a request for comment on Reuters’ findings, Anouar El Anouni, a spokesperson for the European Union, noted that the EU had condemned “horrific crimes committed against civilians, by all sides,” but did not say why former HTS units were not also sanctioned. Spokespeople for the U.S. State and Treasury Departments did not respond to requests for comment.
Hundreds of thousands of Syrians are estimated to have been killed since 2011, when Assad’s crackdown on protests descended into civil war. He went after any suspected dissidents. But Sunnis, who fielded the most visible of the armed groups arrayed against Assad, were disproportionately targeted.
Reuters spoke with over 200 families of victims during visits to massacre sites and by phone, 40 security officials, fighters and commanders, and government-appointed investigators and mediators.
Some of the attackers responding to the March uprising carried lists of names of men to target, including former members of Assad militias who had been temporarily amnestied by the new government. Entire families with those surnames would later appear on lists of the dead handwritten by village elders. Multiple survivors described how the bodies of their loved ones were mutilated.
The fighters, many of them masked, mustered in the new government’s heartland of Idlib, Homs, Aleppo and Damascus. And when armoured convoys rolled out to western Syria, the militias’ cries of “Sunnis, Sunnis” rose in the night along with rhyming slogans calling for people to “slaughter the Alawites,” according to videos verified by Reuters.
Many of the videos showed fighters humiliating Alawite men, forcing them to crawl and howl like dogs. Others, some filmed by the fighters themselves, showed piles of bloodied bodies.
Reuters also reviewed messages from a Telegram chat established by a Defense Ministry official to coordinate the government response to the pro-Assad uprising. The news agency’s journalists examined dozens of videos, obtained CCTV footage and reviewed handwritten lists of victims’ names.
Among the dead were entire families, including women, children, the elderly and disabled people in dozens of predominantly Alawite villages and neighbourhoods. In one neighbourhood, 45 women were among the 253 dead. In another village, 10 of 30 killed were children. In at least one case, an entire Alawite town was emptied almost overnight, its hundreds of residents replaced by Sunnis. The first question arriving fighters asked residents was telling, according to more than 200 witnesses and survivors: “Are you Sunni or Alawite?”
THE UPRISING
Ubaida Shli and his twin brother were the youngest of a Sunni family of nine boys and girls from Idlib, a city in northwest Syria, according to their older sister, Yasmine.
The twins travelled to Libya as mercenaries. Two years ago they joined the HTS law enforcement body known as General Security Service in Idlib, where HTS was essentially running its own parallel administration.
That was how Shli found himself, at age 23, wearing the black GSS uniform and guarding a checkpoint near the town of Baniyas, according to Yasmine and the WhatsApp voice notes he sent her, which Reuters reviewed.
Around sundown on March 6, the checkpoint and other GSS posts across Latakia and Tartous provinces came under attack and dozens of security forces died.
According to the new government and residents of the regions, the attackers were led by officers still loyal to Assad.
The officers were joined by young men who lost their livelihoods when the new government fired thousands of Alawite employees and dismantled Assad’s security apparatus, according to interviews with residents. One community leader described the uprising as a spontaneous decision of desperate people.
Shli sent his sister a voice message around 8:30 pm to tell her half the men around him were dead. He sounded calm and resigned to his fate.
“He said he was helping find ways to get the bodies of the men out,” she said. She asked why he didn’t run away. His response: There is no escape.
Yasmine learned her brother was dead two hours later.
Pro-Assad forces also staged attacks in Baniyas, the biggest city in Tartous. They seized the main road and hospital and attacked the new government’s security headquarters, according to Aboul Bahr, a security official stationed in Baniyas who was spending that night in Idlib. Reuters could not independently verify his account.
Al-Sharaa said 200 security forces were killed in the uprising but the government has not released names or an updated tally. The Defence Ministry did not respond to questions from Reuters about an updated number of forces killed or the role of government-affiliated forces in the massacres of Alawites.
The EU on June 23 imposed sanctions on three pro-Assad officers, saying they were responsible for leading militias that “fuelled sectarian tensions and incited violence.”
Supporters of the fallen leader “wanted to stage a coup and declare an autonomous region along the coast,” said Hamza al-Ali, the GSS officer in charge of the town of Al-Qadamous, nearly 30 kilometres to the east.
The Defense Ministry called for reinforcements from all the factions that had recently joined President al-Sharaa’s forces. Mosque megaphones across the country sounded calls for jihad.
Mohammed al-Jassim, commander of the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade told Reuters he was hospitalized in Turkey for health reasons when the fighting erupted. Reuters could not confirm al-Jassim’s location during the massacres. He denied his men had any role in the violence.
He said he was soon added to a chat group led by a top Defense Ministry official, whom he said he knew only as Abu Ahd. Abu Ahd al-Hamawi is the pseudonym of Hassan Abdel-Ghani, the Defense Ministry spokesman.
Al-Jassim’s brigade, which is also known as Amshat, was ordered to reopen the coastal M1 highway linking Latakia and Jableh. He said his militia took up positions outside the city of Jableh.
As the massacres of Alawites unfolded, the Defense Ministry spokesman Abdel-Ghani said publicly the operation on the coast was proceeding as planned with the goal of keeping control of the region and “tightening the noose on the remaining elements of officers and remnants of the fallen regime,” according to the state-run news agency SANA.
Behind the scenes, Abdel-Ghani was running the Telegram chat of militia leaders and military commanders that coordinated the government response to the pro-Assad uprising, according to a dozen text and audio messages in an exchange between him and a senior commander from another faction.
Two people confirmed the Telegram handle was Abdel-Ghani’s and that Abu Ahd is his nom de guerre. Reuters contacted him directly on Telegram at the handle. He told Reuters he has been questioned by the committee investigating the killings but declined to comment further.
The messages referred to force locations and movements, including one from Abdel-Ghani at the bridge leading to the village of Al-Mukhtareyah, where massacres were taking place.
Nanar Hawach, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, said the killings eroded the new government’s legitimacy among Syrians, especially minorities.
“Deploying units known for hostility toward communities they view as adversaries, and with a track record of abuse, led to predictable outcomes,” Hawach said. “They failed to uphold their basic duty to protect.”
In a sign of the government’s tenuous control over its own fighters, newly integrated factions faced off in village streets at times, according to witnesses in three different locations who all described seeing one side trying to protect bewildered civilians from uniformed men trying to kill them.
MARCH 7
578 DEAD, 26 LOCATIONS
The M4 highway leads inland from the Mediterranean Sea. The M1 leads south, paralleling the coastline before veering east near Lebanon.
The massacres that began before dawn on March 7 would mostly follow those two arteries. Many of the towns were farm communities, with citrus orchards hanging heavy with lemons and oranges in March and fields of vegetables that grow abundantly year-round in the Mediterranean climate.
Al-Mukhtareyah, the first village off the M4 highway connecting Idlib and Latakia, came under attack around 6 am.
Swarms of men, including many in GSS uniforms, broke down doors to pull men outside, forcing some to crawl and dragging others away, eight witnesses told Reuters. The shooting lasted about an hour. When it was over, 157 people were dead – nearly a quarter of Al-Mukhtareyah’s population, according to a list from a community leader that Reuters verified with multiple surviving residents.
They included 28 members of the Abdullah family; 14 from the Darwish family; and 11 from the al-Juhni family, according to the lists compiled by survivors and community leaders.
“The bullets were raining down on us, sister. We didn’t know where to go and how to escape,” said a woman who lost her father and brothers.
Another woman who lost 17 relatives shared a screenshot from a video verified by Reuters. She pointed to a pile of bodies in the screenshot and said: “This is my family.”
She traced an arrow onscreen toward a dead man in a pale jacket and sent it to Reuters. “This is my husband.”
The village was all but empty days after the massacre, residents said. With no one to harvest, oranges rotted on the trees.
The villages with the most bloodshed were those whose residents belonged to a subset of Alawites called al-Klazyia, according to Ali Mulhem, founder of the Syrian Civil Peace Group, an organization that documents abuses and mediates disputes. The Assad family were al-Klazyia Alawites, as were many of the dictator’s ranking security officials, said Mulhem and a senior Alawite community leader.
Among the places linked to the al-Klazyia sub-sect was Sonobar, a farming community of around 15,000 whose homes are interspersed with fields of vegetables.
The elite HTS force called Unit 400 moved into Sonobar in December, promising that the town would be left in peace under the new leadership, three villagers told Reuters. They described life as tense, but bearable.
Early on March 7, the Unit 400 men and hundreds of reinforcements converged and started killing. In all, according to 17 witnesses, nine separate factions attacked.
One young man said he saw Unit 400 fighters opening fire as they entered his house. Eleven relatives died. He survived by hiding in an upstairs pantry.
Another faction that attacked was the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade, according to survivors who recognized the brigade’s badges. The brigade came to prominence as a Turkish-backed militia during the civil war and has been under American sanctions since 2023, accused by the US Treasury Department of “harassment, abduction, and other abuses.” Al-Jassim told Reuters those allegations were “fabrications” and described his men as highly disciplined.
Spokespeople for the GSS and the Defense Ministry, which oversees Unit 400, didn’t respond to questions about the attacks. Turkey, asked to comment on the role of Sultan Suleiman Shah and other Turkish-backed militias in the killings, did not respond. Turkey's government hasn’t issued a public response to the EU sanctions imposed on the militias in May. In a selfie video from Sonobar, a uniformed fighter shows bodies and proclaims: “Suleiman Shah defeated the remnants of the former regime. God is great and thanks to God.” The camera later pans to 11 unarmed men in civilian clothes, lying dead on some of Syria’s most fertile soil, now tinged with blood. Among the dead pictured were a motorbike repairman, two students, two farmers and an amnestied policeman, according to relatives of the dead, who identified them by name.
Al-Jassim, the commander of Sultan Suleiman Shah, denied that his men were responsible for killings in any of the villages they entered.
“As a commander of a military unit, I know that any order must be obeyed in its entirety,” he told Reuters. “Commands are carried out verbatim, no more, no less.”
In April, the militia – by then rebadged as the 62nd Division of Syria’s army – said the man who filmed the video had no connection with Sultan Suleiman Shah and accused him of impersonating a fighter “to tarnish the reputation of the Division and distort its record.” Reuters could not independently confirm the man’s identity or affiliation.
Another group identified themselves as fighters for the Jayish al-Islam militia.
Jayish al-Islam’s media officer posted pictures on Facebook of fighters heading to the coaston March 7. He also posted a copy of an amnesty document he claimed was found on the body of the Assad-era policeman indicating that the dead man had broken the pledge he signed not to take up arms against the new government.
“There is no safety, no stability in our country except by purging them,” wrote Hamza Berqidar, the media officer. The post received 160 likes.
One woman from Sonobar told Reuters the fighters commandeered her living room.
“Do you know who we are?” one asked her. She said she replied: “You’re the army!”
No, she said they told her. “We are jihadists from Jayish al-Islam. We came to teach you Islam.”
Media officer Berqidar and Jayish al-Islam didn’t respond to requests for comment on the violence.
In all, 236 residents of Sonobor were killed, according to lists reviewed by Reuters and verified with multiple residents. They were mostly young men, ranging in age from 16 to 40. The injured included a pregnant woman, who miscarried but survived her gunshot wounds.
One young mother said her husband was at a neighbour’s when her door was smashed down. The gunmen went upstairs and started breaking things, looking for him.
The group left and was replaced by another faction, she said. Then a third, whose leader embraced her children and promised they would be unharmed. A fourth faction opened fire on the building. A fifth group of fighters, wearing green headbands, arrived with a translator. They didn’t speak Arabic. She didn’t recognise their language.
“Three militants came and pointed rifles at my head,” she said. They told her: “You are Alawite pigs. You deserve what is happening to you. If you cry you will be shot dead, and your body will be on top of the other dead bodies.”
All the time, she said, she was trying in vain to reach her husband.
After sunset, the woman ventured out. She found him on the ground, shot in the eyes and heart.
Witnesses said the fighters stole food to break the Ramadan fast, celebrating outside as terrified women peeked through the windows.
A photo from Sonobar, confirmed by two surviving Alawites from the town, showed a message scrawled on the wall of one home: “You were a minority, and now you are a rarity.”
MARCH 8
828 DEAD, 10 LOCATIONS
The first group of armed men to arrive Saturday in the town of Al-Rusafa numbered around a dozen. It was a little after 10 a.m. Some wore black fatigues and sneakers.
Residents had been trapped inside since the day before, when a government convoy of around 50 vehicles, including a tank, had set up positions around the village, cut the electricity and started shooting, sometimes at people and sometimes at random.
Now, on Saturday, this new group of fighters seemed unsatisfied when they peered inside the Saad family home.
“They ordered the boys to lie on the floor, which they did. They dragged them outside,” said Ghada Ali. She watched helplessly as they stepped on the prone body of 17-year-old Saleh, her youngest.
“They told them to howl like dogs while filming them,” she said. After a time, they sent Saleh to his mother, and then one of the fighters asked why she still wept. “I want my children,” she responded.
“We sent you one back,” she said they told her. As for her elder son, 25-year-old Suleiman Rashid, they said perhaps he’d return soon.
Instead, his father Rashid Saad received a phone call. “We killed him and cut out his heart,” they told him. “Come get your son before the dogs eat him.”
Saad and his brother, who lost four sons that day, grabbed blankets and called on Saleh to help. They carried all five bodies home, and the women buried them in the garden, Saad said.
The community leader said the attackers identified themselves as from the Hamza, Sultan Suleiman Shah and Jaysh al-Ezza factions. Representatives of Hamza and Jaysh al-Ezza declined to comment on the violence in the town. Al-Jassim denied his men were ever in Al-Rusafa.
In all, 60 Alawites died in Al-Rusafa, according to lists seen by Reuters. The youngest was a 4-year-old.
Just as in Sonobar, survivors said the attackers left a message on the walls: “Sunni men passed through here. We came to shed your blood.”
Nearer the coast, the residents of Qurfays despaired. The town and the white-domed shrine at its centre are named for Ahmed Qurfays, a revered Alawite religious figure.
Forces from the Othman Brigade, along with Unit 400, had taken up positions in the village after Assad's fall, according to two survivors and one person with relatives there.
On Friday, with news of the killings spreading around the region, villagers chose four respected residents to mediate with the Othman Brigade fighters.
They sat in a semicircle on a farmhouse balcony outside Qurfays, and the villagers tried to persuade the fighters that the town harboured no Assad supporters and there was no need for them to stay and fight. “They insisted on staying, because they said there was a plan already in place,” said a person familiar with the talks. The sound of automatic weapons and anti-aircraft guns rattled in the distance.
The fighters and mediators left the farmhouse and headed back to the village. While they had been talking, a half-dozen men were shot to death there, and their bodies were strewn across the shrine’s yard and steps, according to two witnesses.
The Defense Ministry, which directly oversees the Othman Brigade and Unit 400, did not respond to requests for comment about the killings in Al-Rusafa and Qurfays.
“None of these men were carrying weapons, and no one was part of the former army. One of the men was mentally ill,” one of the witnesses said.
Around 50 worshippers were beaten inside the shrine, said the other witness, who was among the injured.
Still, it felt like perhaps they’d escaped the mass death they’d heard about elsewhere. On Saturday morning, the witnesses said, they realised they were wrong.
A new convoy of 80 vehicles arrived. Someone fired once in the air, and then, as though awaiting a signal, the militia members opened fire. In all, 23 people died over two days, according to photos of the dead shared with Reuters.
Looting continued as Qurfays mourned, said the witness who was beaten inside the shrine. The man said his brother was killed.
He said one of the Unit 400 men told him crying was banned and that the village should be thankful just for being allowed to bury their dead.
“I couldn’t cry,” the man said. “I didn’t have the courage to cry.”
MARCH 9
74 DEAD, 4 LOCATIONS
By Sunday, the frenzied killings were subsiding.
It was time to bury the dead, fearfully and often in secret.
For 48 hours or more, grieving Alawite women had stood guard over the bodies of fathers, brothers, husbands and children. Many families only discovered the scale of the violence when they emerged to streets reeking of death, or tried to beat away dogs ripping apart corpses.
In Baniyas, near where the pro-Assad attack on the checkpoint touched off the revenge killings, there were 253 bodies to bury, according to the lists of the dead shared with Reuters.
In the town of Jableh, the toll stood at 77 Alawites, according to 30 family members. The town was targeted by Unit 400 and the Othman Brigade, along with Sultan Suleiman Shah, Hamza and the Turkistan Islamic Party, made up of Uyghurs and other foreign fighters, according to six witnesses and one security official in Jableh.
Suleiman Shah commander Al-Jassim said his men entered Jableh and left because they saw “many violations” and did not want to take the blame for killings that weren’t their fault. Representatives of the other forces didn’t reply to questions.
The Telegram chat showed the Defense Ministry’s spokesman, Abdel-Ghani, was notified about “breaches” in Jableh. His response, in the chat: “May God reward you.
”Many survivors, especially in Baniyas, said they had Sunni neighbours who smuggled them to safety or who tried to protect them.
In Jableh, a Sunni neighbour intervened to help evacuate the mortally wounded husband of Rasha Ghoson, over the objections of two General Security Service men. With her neighbour’s help, an ambulance agreed to take Ghoson's husband to Latakia, but doctors there couldn’t revive him.
Standing alongside the body in the overflowing morgue, Ghoson said a GSS officer in charge of death records refused to issue a document to an Alawite.
“He said: ‘infidel!’” and walked away, she recalled. Her legs and hands trembled as she recounted the ordeal.
As with most of the massacre victims, there is still no death certificate for Ghoson’s husband.
THE AFTERMATH
Many Alawite villages and neighbourhoods throughout the Latakia, Tartous and Hama regions emptied out after the attacks, and their residents camped by the thousands at a nearby Russian base for fear of new massacres.
The targeting of Alawites continues to this day. Between May 10 and Jun 4, 20 Alawites were gunned down in the Latakia and Hama regions, according to the Syria Observatory for Human Rights. The perpetrators have not been identified.
Authorities told the UN that dozens of alleged perpetrators were detained, according to Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, chair of the world body’s Syria commission, in his report to the UN Human Rights council on Jun 27.
No one has been charged in the March Alawite deaths, however.
The government has yet to share a tally of the dead, and the UN said its own toll of 111 dead was an undercount.
In December, three months before the coastal killings, President al-Sharaa issued a series of promotions to try and unify the army. Among those elevated was the head of Jaysh al-Islam, and Sultan Suleiman Shah’s leader, al-Jassim, who rose to the rank of brigadier general with command of a formal Syrian army unit.
The leader of Unit 400, Aboul Khair Taftanaz, was promoted in December to brigadier general and again in June and is now a general, according to announcements from the Defence Ministry. He assumed responsibility for the Latakia and Tartous regions, according to one of Unit 400’s fighters.
Sayf Boulad Abu Bakr, the leader of the Turkish-backed Hamza division, was promoted to brigadier general after the killings, according to his Twitter account. The Turkistan Islamic Party, a militia with a large foreign contingent whose fighters were also found by Reuters to have carried out many of the attacks, was fully integrated in May into the army. Its leader was among those promoted in December.
On May 30, the Defense Ministry issued a code of conduct prohibiting abuses against civilians, discrimination or misuse of power. The ministry had no comment on the promotions or the alleged links of the commanders’ units to the killings.
Deliberately targeting civilians is a crime under international humanitarian law, and officers who fail to prevent or punish such attacks are considered accountable under the principle of command responsibility.
The village of Arza stands as a grim reminder of the cycle of revenge that the government has yet to address. Arza was used by Assad as a staging ground to attack rebellious communities, such as the neighbouring village of Khattab in 2013. And few clans were more prominently pro-Assad than the al-Suleimans. They made up a quarter of the 90-member pro-Assad militia from Arza, notorious for raiding Khattab more than a decade ago to detain rebels.
On March 7, men from Khattab led an assault on Arza that left 23 people dead, including members from the al-Suleiman clan, and sent the town’s remaining 1,200 residents fleeing, according to four ex-residents and two videos verified by Reuters.
The four witnesses told Reuters that the Khattab men brought victims to the main square and asked their leader, Abu Jaber al-Khattabi: “What do you think, Sheikh?” They said if he responded “Allahu Akbar” – which he did in nearly every case – the victim was shot.
“They are all criminals,” al-Khattabi told Reuters. “It’s like the ultimate divine justice. Just as you made us homeless, you will be homeless, and just as you killed us, you will be killed.
”When asked about his role in the deaths that day, he acknowledged he was in Arza but denied giving orders to kill.
The attackers have taken over the abandoned homes. Arza is no more, al-Khattabi said. On Facebook, he posted a photo of the new village sign: “New Khattab.”
