Published : 13 Aug 2025, 08:43 AM
Updated : 21 Aug 2026, 01:39 PM
Women’s rights groups in Bangladesh are furious and frustrated after the all-male National Consensus Commission, mandated to build political agreement on key reforms, settled on a compromise over women’s representation in parliament that fell far short of their demands.
The seven-strong body, led by Nobel laureate–turned–Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, concluded five days of negotiations by proposing a cautious formula: keep the 50 reserved seats for women in the 350-member parliament and force parties to nominate women for a small share of the 300 general seats—5 percent at the next election, 10 percent at the following one, and then a five-point rise each cycle until 33 percent. If parties ever reach that benchmark before 2043, the reserved-seat system could be retired early.
For campaigners who flooded the streets during the July Uprising, it felt like a door closing. “They say they will improve things step by step, but they haven’t taken any opinion from women,” said Fauzia Moslem, president of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad.
Her demand is unambiguous: keep the 300 general seats and add 150 women’s seats—every one filled by direct vote. Without constituencies and voters to answer to, she argues, women cannot build real power.
The optics were striking. At the commission’s final party dialogue on Jul 13, only four of 45 participants were women. This, in a nation where the two dominant parties have been led by women for more than 40 years, and where the law has -- on paper -- required 33 percent female leadership inside parties. None has met it.
Reformers thought this was the moment. A women’s affairs commission proposed doubling the chamber to 600 seats with half reserved for women, elected directly.
Two other bodies pitched 100 directly elected women’s seats, either fixed constituencies or a rotating share. Parties said no.
A bolder gambit -- abolish reserved seats and mandate that women run in a third of all general constituencie -- also died.
A halfway house of keeping 50 reserved seats while requiring women in 5–7 percent of general races likewise faltered.
“We failed to get political parties on board,” admitted commission member Badiul Alam Majumdar. Another, Abdul Alim, still hopes the door is not fully shut.
History weighs heavily. Bangladesh introduced 15 women’s seats in 1973, expanded them to 30 in several parliaments, and, after lapses, raised them to 45 in 2004 and 50 in 2011.
The 17th Amendment in 2018 extended the arrangement to 2043. Even so, the high-water mark for women in the chamber, during the 11th parliament, was 20.8 percent with 50 in reserved seats and 23 elected outright.
Resistance is hard-edged among religious parties.
The Jamaat-e-Islami, which has never fielded a woman in a general seat, prefers proportional representation to achieve what it says could be 45 percent female representation within its ranks. Islami Andolan, claiming a membership that is “about 55 percent women”, nevertheless says it will not nominate women for direct contests either.
The commission’s final formula, incremental quotas layered onto an old system, lays bare the central contradiction.
Nearly everyone agrees in principle that there should be more women in parliament; few agree to the mechanisms that would put them there. “No agreement could be reached on how to implement it,” said Vice-Chair Ali Riaz.
For activists, the test is simple: constituencies, campaigns, and votes. Without those, they argue, the promise of parity will keep receding -- step by step.
HOPES DASHED
Mahila Parishad’s Fauzia has openly questioned the Consensus Commission’s decision-making process.
“They say they will improve things step by step, but they haven’t taken any opinion from women. No women’s organisation, no female representative was present in their discussions. They didn’t even consider the election-related proposal from the Women’s Reform Commission,” she told bdnews24.com.
Calling for an expansion of reserved seats to 150 alongside direct elections for those seats, she said: “If they are directly elected, they will have ownership and accountability to the people. Otherwise, simply increasing the number of seats and nominating people to them does not benefit women. Even those who get the seats can’t fulfil their role properly.”
She added, “We also want each political party to nominate women for at least 33 percent of the general seats. These are our two demands. We do not agree with what the Consensus Commission wants.”
Rukhsana Afroze Asha, office secretary of the Socialist Women’s Forum central committee, said they would hold rallies to protest the decision.
“Women’s organisations made proposals. BASAD and CPB made similar proposals. But the Consensus Commission made its decision without any discussion. There has been no logical debate on why these proposals can’t be implemented.
“We have long been calling for direct elections. This was the opportunity for discussion and decision. The Consensus Commission made a biased choice.”
The Social Resistance Committee issued a statement urging the commission to reconsider.
Their demand: increase the total number of parliamentary seats to 450, with 150 reserved for women. These would have clearly defined constituencies, and women would be elected to them directly by the public.
In the 11th parliament, 50 women MPs held reserved seats, while 23 others were elected directly in general seats. Women’s representation in that parliament was 20.8 percent, the highest in Bangladesh’s history.
Religious-based parties have the weakest record on ensuring women’s representation. Among the 12 registered political parties, the Jamaat-e-Islami -- the largest -- has never nominated a woman for a general seat. Yet it had two women MPs in reserved seats in the fifth parliament and three in the eighth.
How will Jamaat implement the Consensus Commission’s decision on women’s seats?
Jamaat Nayeb-e-Ameer Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher told bdnews24.com, “We proposed proportional allocation of 100 reserved seats for women. Currently, 45 percent of our leaders and activists nationwide are women, so we will have no problem filling our share of women’s reserved seats.
“We also demand that national elections be held proportionally. In that case, we could easily have 45 percent female representation. But we have said we will not nominate women for direct elections. After the Election Commission’s final decision, we will see what can be done.”
Asked whether any Jamaat woman had ever contested a direct election, Taher replied: “So far, none of our women candidates have taken part in direct elections. If it’s a proportional representation system, there’s no problem.”
Another religious-based party, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, suggested to the commission that the number of reserved seats for women be raised to 300.
“Our party is about 55 percent women,” presidium member Ashraf Ali Akon said. “So we have the right to make a bigger demand.
“But how will women fight in the political field like men? We told the Election Commission and the Consensus Commission that we will not nominate women for direct voting. Under a PR system, we can give 55 percent of our seats to women.”
Asked how many women from Islami Andolan had contested direct national elections in the past, Akon said: “We have never fielded a woman in a direct election. We have made it clear to both commissions that we will not do so in the future either.”
The BNP, despite being led by a woman for over four decades, has also failed to achieve 33 percent women’s representation across its leadership.
In the Consensus Commission meeting, the BNP agreed to increase the number of reserved seats for women from 50 to 100.
It, however, insisted the allocation must remain proportional to each party’s share of seats, rejecting direct elections for the reserved seats.
BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said, “There is much debate. Some want direct elections, others propose a rotation system that has not worked anywhere.
“Some suggest fixed constituencies for women’s seats, grouping three general seats to form one women’s seat, making 100 women’s seats out of 300.” he added. “But if three general seats make one women’s seat, there will be overlapping. We must consider if that is practical.
“Considering all arguments, we feel it is best to keep an option for direct elections. Women have a sentiment for direct polls, but we must also assess whether social progress has reached that stage. That is why we agreed to proceed gradually.”
Salahuddin said the BNP would nominate women in 5 percent of seats -- 15 out of 300 -- in the next general election, even before any constitutional amendment.
If an amendment takes place, the party plans to nominate women in 30 seats, or 10 percent, in 2031.
“We must allow time based on the pace of social progress,” he said. “If reserved seats are dropped in favour of direct elections now, we also have to see how many women can actually win.”
Alim, a member of the Electoral Reform Commission, called the current stance on women’s participation “disappointing”.
“Women make up half the population,” he said. “Without including them, we cannot ensure national development or meaningful participation.
“The way decisions are being made is unfortunate and needs to change. The biggest issue is the mindset of political parties.”
The analyst called for more discussions on the issue. “If consensus can still be reached through dialogue, it will be a positive outcome,” he said.
“Those still holding different views must be brought back to the table. Without consensus, change will not come.”
But Badiul, also the head of the Electoral Reform Commission said there is little left to do at this stage.
“I’ve tried in every possible way. We made a proposal from the Electoral Reform Commission; we also did our utmost within the Consensus Commission,” he added. “I’ve spoken to women leaders, written to them, urging them to step forward and raise their voices. But no one did. Now they are expressing dissatisfaction.”
“No one gives away rights,” he said, adding that rights must be earned.
According to Badiul, civil society and women’s organisations must now put pressure on political parties and engage with them directly.
“We tried to create a framework for direct elections in 100 seats to enable true political empowerment for women. But the women themselves remained silent,” he said.
KEY CONTEXT
Reserved seats timeline: 15 (1973) → 30 (various) → lapsed → 45 (2004) → 50 (2011); extended to 2043 in 2018
11th parliament peak representation: 20.8 (50 reserved + 23 general)
Legal target unmet: 33% women in party leadership at every level
WHERE THE SIDES STAND
Activists: 300 general + 150 women’s seats, all directly elected; 33% women nominees in general seats
Reform bodies (earlier drafts): 100 directly elected women’s seats (fixed or rotating)
Parties: reject expanded women-only constituencies; resist mandatory direct participation
Commission’s final offer: keep 50 reserved; ramp women’s nominations in general seats from 5% to 33% over multiple cycles
[Writing in English by Syed Mahmud Onindo and Sheikh Fariha Bristy]
