Published : 22 Jun 2014, 12:31 PM
The lack of resolution over the sharing of water resources in transboundary rivers between India and Bangladesh remains as one of the major obstacles in the relationship between these two neighbouring countries. Although Bangladesh and India share 54 common rivers, the Ganges Treaty of 1996 is the only agreement on sharing of water during lean season. The lack of an agreement on the Teesta water sharing has become a source of frustration and anger for many people in dealing with the common rivers between India and Bangladesh. The stalemate in water sharing between the two countries has received extensive coverage in electronic and news media. Several political alliances in Bangladesh, both from the left and right spectrum, have organised human chains, protest rallies, and long marches demanding a fair and equitable agreement on water sharing in the Teesta and other transboundary rivers. The possibility of signing a treaty for sharing water in the Teesta River has been hanging in the limbo for the last three decades. The latest attempt to sign such a treaty during the visit by the then Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohon Singh during his visit to Dhaka in September of 2011 was allegedly foiled by the Chief Minister of Pashchimbanga Mamata Banerjee. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina blamed Banerjee for foiling the possibility of the Teesta treaty. With the recent change in the power in central government of India, the prospect for a water sharing treaty on Teesta water took yet another uncertain turn.
The newly elected Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi declared a few policy decisions of his government on matters pertinent to the interest of Bangladesh in general, and to the water resources management in transboundary rivers in particular. On assuming the power, the PM Modi reiterated his campaign vow to clean up the Ganges River, which is one of the most polluted rivers in the world. The Ministry of Water Resources in India has been charged with additional task to clean up the Ganges River. If the new Indian government succeeds in achieving this monumental goal of rejuvenating the Ganges then it will be seen as a milestone of success for PM Modi. A clean Ganges River will also benefit downstream Bangladesh. The Modi administration is contemplating the idea of setting a new ministry, which will work as a fulcrum for all things Himalayas. As per a report published in the Economic Times of India on May 31, 2014, among the key tasks this new agency is likely to focus on is coordination with China in the context of "less-spoken-of rivers" in the North-east. It is worth mentioning here that all major rivers that originate in various parts of the Himalayas and North-east India, including the Ganges, Brahmaputra, and Teesta Rivers, flow to Bangladesh. The economy, ecosystems, environment, and the very survival of Bangladesh depend on natural flow of water and sediments carried by the Himalayan rivers; yet there is no mention in the objectives of the proposed ministry to what extent, if any, the interest of the downstream neighbour Bangladesh will be coordinated in the future. The inter-linking of rivers (ILRP) involving transfer of water from major Himalayan rivers, such as the Ganges and Brahmaputra, to Indian south and west through link canals has been highly contentious issue since 2003 between India and Bangladesh. The ILRP is a BJP's pet project. As a result of protest by Bangladesh and opposition from within India, the ILRP has been put on hold for the last few years. However, following the recent Lokh Sobha election, the national convener of BJP's Water Cell Mr Sriram Videre wrote an article in the Asian Age on May 22, 2014, advocating to rejuvenate the ILRP project. Another news report published in a local daily reported that the newly elected Modi's government is moving ahead with implementation of the Inter-linking of Rivers Project (ILRP) and the Tipaimukh multi-purpose dam project, which was suspended following objections from the government of Bangladesh in the past. The ILRP is a BJP's pet project. Being directed by the Supreme Court of India, the last BJP-led government in 2002-2004 wanted to implement the ILRP on a "war footing."
As of 2006, India has 16 hydel projects installed in NE states. During 2009-13, the Technical Advisory Committee to the Ministry of Water Resources in India has given clearance to 38 dams and irrigation projects in NE India that have the design capacity to generate over 21,805 MW. There are over 100 proposed dams, barrages, and irrigation projects at various stages of development in NE Indian states, including Tipaimukh, Teesta, Loktak, Subansiri, Debang, Kopili, Kameng, Myanthru, and Ranganadi projects. Plans for most of these projects are moving along smoothly without much objections from the government of Bangladesh. Since these dams are not a direct part of the ILRP, the people in Bangladesh are not as aware of them. The Brahmaputra Board makes recommendations and National Hydroelectric Power Corporation, NE Electric Power Corporation (NEEPCO), Central Electric Authority (CEA), Department of Development of NE Region (DONER), etc. along with the state governments are involved in those projects. As per a report, the lack of transparency and accountability in making the data about these projects available for public remain as a standard norm of functioning for the Indian Ministry of Water Resources. It is the responsibility of the Joint River Commission to make these data available to public.
All of these hydroelectric and irrigation projects In NE India have the potential to alter the natural flow in rivers downstream and cause detrimental impacts on floods, agriculture, fisheries, wetlands (beels, mangroves, etc.) on a long run. As per the UN Convention on Non-navigational Water Courses of 1997, which will become a law in August of 2014, India is obligated not to cause significant harm to the environment downstream and is supposed to exchange information with Bangladesh on all projects on transboundary rivers that have the potential to impact the environment and economy. A prior consent from Bangladesh is also warranted under the convention. The existing Ganges Treaty of 1996 also have a similar provision in Section IX, "Guided by the principles of equity, fairness and no harm to either party, both the Governments agree to conclude water sharing Treaties/Agreements with regard to other common rivers." No such steps were known to be taken. However, in 2013 India has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with China to exchange data on rain, river flow, and flood conditions in the upper reaches of the Yaluzangbu/Brhamaputra River. It is important that the government of Bangladesh signs similar MoU with all countries in the GBM basins to share hydrologic data.
In this backdrop, it is obvious that Bangladesh needs to get involved in dialogue with the newly elected government in India as it pertains to sharing of water and sediment resources in all transboundary rivers in the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna basins. Developing a culture of generating credible data on rainfall, river discharge, river-level, and groundwater is very essential in negotiation. The ultimate goal for Bangladesh should be persuading all co-riparian nations in the GBM basins to work together and create a River Commission that will have the authority to formulate policies for integrated water resources development plan and to implements them. India has already made some advances with China by signing a MoU to exchange hydrologic data; now it is important to expand the sphere of cooperation among all countries in the GBM basins. As the experience shows, bilateral treaties on water resources sharing in the GBM basins are not enough to foster an environment of regional peace, security, and prosperity. The climate change is adding additional challenges to the entire GBM basins, and it is time to think beyond bilateral approach to deal with water sharing during the lean seasons. Water and sediment resources will have to be managed on a regional scale on a long-term basis. Greater challenges demand broader approach; and climate change is such a challenge for the entire South Asian region. Only a basin-scale planning and management of water resources involving all stakeholders in the GBM basins will be a time-sensitive approach. Ratifying the UN Convention on Non-navigational Water Courses of 1997 by China, India, Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh, as well as formation of the GBM Basin Commission involving all stakeholders will be the most timely and visionary plan for long-lasting peace, security, and prosperity in South Asia and beyond.
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Md. Khalequzzaman is a Professor of Geology at Lock Haven University, USA.
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