24 pieces of 2024: A year of tumult and transformation

The July-August mass uprising reshaped Bangladesh like never before

The year 2024 will be remembered as a pivotal chapter in the history of Bangladesh - a year defined by turmoil, resilience, and the beginning of what some are calling a "new independence”.

It began with yet another contentious election, and as the months unfolded, the country faced a cascade of crises both familiar and unforeseen.

A dengue fever epidemic swept across the nation towards the end of the year, straining an already fragile healthcare system. Meanwhile, skyrocketing inflation and unbridled prices of essential goods added to the burdens of daily life, leaving many struggling to make ends meet all year long.

Natural disasters dealt further blows. Unprecedented flooding inundated vast swathes of land, and cyclones left a trail of destruction in their wake. Fires in urban areas and a spate of road accidents claimed countless lives.

Yet, the most significant chapter of the year came in July and August, as a massive uprising—led by students and citizens—upended the political status quo. The 15-year rule of the Awami League came to an abrupt and dramatic end, with Sheikh Hasina fleeing power and seeking refuge in India.

The events of July and August have been described by some as a "second independence" for Bangladesh. The transitional government, led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, now faces the formidable task of steering the country through uncharted waters.

Reforms are underway to reshape the nation, yet, uncertainty looms. By the end of 2024, no date for a new election was announced, although officials suggested that a vote to restore democratic governance could take place by Jun 30, 2026.

As Bangladesh enters 2025, it does so burdened by a fragile economy and the lingering aftershocks of a tumultuous year. Still, there is hope—a cautious optimism that, in adapting to the challenges of the present, the nation may find a path toward a more stable and equitable future.

“DUMMY AND ME” ELECTIONS

The Awami League government, which had been in power for three consecutive terms, organised the 12th parliamentary elections on Jan 7. Hasina assumed the responsibility of the head of government for the fourth consecutive term after an absolute victory in the election.

As such, the election, widely anticipated to be contentious, saw 26 opposition parties, including the BNP abstaining from participation. Despite the boycott, the Awami League and 27 other parties, including the Jatiya Party, proceeded with the vote.

To make the vote appear participatory, the path was opened for “dummy” or independent candidates.

The independent candidates, whom many described as “rebels” aligned with the Awami League, dominated the ballots in numerous constituencies, leading critics to label the event as a “dummy and me” election.

As such, in the majority of the seats, the vote was between Awami League and independent candidates of the Awami League.

At the close of election day, the Election Commission reported a voter turnout of 40 percent—a figure met with widespread criticism. Official results declared the Awami League victorious in 222 out of 298 contested seats, with the Jatiya Party securing 11 seats and independent candidates winning 62. Smaller parties, including the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal, the Workers’ Party, and the Kalyan Party, each garnered one seat.

Hasina won the Jan 7 election and became the Prime Minister for the fourth consecutive term. Although she had suppressed all the movements in the previous three terms, her 15-and-a-half-year rule ended in the July-August uprising.

THE JULY 36 ANECDOTE

What began as a student-led demand to reform quota system in government jobs rapidly spiraled into a nationwide movement, culminating in the dramatic resignation of Hasina.

The protests, which erupted on Jul 1, initially centered on Dhaka University. The “Anti-discrimination Student Movement” then spread to other educational institutions in the country.

A comment by the deposed prime minister at a press conference at Ganabhaban on Jul 14 seemed to add fuel to the fire. She said: “If the grandchildren of freedom fighters won’t get it (quota for government jobs), will the grandchildren of Razakars get it?”

That night, chants of “Who are you, who am I, Razakars-Razakars” echoed through the halls of Dhaka University, and violence erupted.

Reports of arrests, beatings, and threats of live ammunition spread rapidly, fanning the flames of public anger. Instead of quelling dissent, these actions intensified the protests. Demonstrations grew in size and scope, drawing in citizens from all walks of life.

Faced with escalating unrest, the government proposed negotiations, but protesters—emboldened by their growing numbers—rejected overtures. The violence escalated. A nationwide curfew was imposed, the military was deployed, and the internet was shut down in a bid to stifle communication among organisers.

Yet, the measures failed to contain the movement. By this point, the demand for quota reform had morphed into a broader call for the resignation of Hasina, whose 15-year tenure as prime minister was increasingly viewed as authoritarian.

The tipping point came on Aug 5, during a planned “road march to Dhaka” organised by the Anti-discrimination Student Movement. As thousands of protesters advanced toward the capital, reports emerged of clashes between demonstrators and police. In Uttara, a key gateway to Dhaka, the military stepped aside, allowing the marchers to proceed. That moment marked the end of Hasina’s government’s ability to maintain control.

Later that day, unconfirmed reports surfaced that Hasina had resigned and fled to India, ending her long rule. Her departure was followed by scenes of chaos in Dhaka. Crowds stormed Ganabhaban, the prime minister’s official residence, and the Parliament building. Acts of vandalism and looting were widespread, evoking comparisons to Sri Lanka’s mass uprising in 2022.

The students said that they would oust Hasina in July. As such, they started a new calculation after Jul 31. August 5 was made Jul 36 – as students redefined the calendar in their relentless pursuit of change.

FROM LONGEST-SERVING PRIME MINISTER TO FUGITIVE

Hasina, Bangladesh’s longest-serving prime minister, once a towering figure in South Asia’s political landscape, now resides as a fugitive in India’s capital. Her fall from grace, marked by allegations of autocracy, human rights abuses, and election manipulation, underscores a dramatic shift in the nation’s political dynamics.

In January 2024, Hasina assumed the role of prime minister for an unprecedented fourth consecutive term, extending her 15-year grip on power. Her administration’s tenure was characterised by sweeping infrastructural achievements, such as the Padma Bridge and the Metrorail, alongside the much-touted Digital Bangladesh initiative. Yet, her rule also drew sharp criticism for suppressing dissent, election rigging, and alleged human rights violations.

Hasina’s tenure was defined not just by development projects but also by her unyielding rhetoric. In August 2022, she publicly rebuked the BNP, asserting that the Awami League, the party she helmed, would never retreat.

“Sheikh Hasina, Awami League never flees,” she proclaimed.

Her defiance persisted even during escalating protests in July 2024, where she dismissed opposition claims of her fleeing the country.

Yet, just months later, Hasina’s words ring hollow. Following her government’s collapse, Hasina fled to India amid mounting legal troubles. The Bangladesh government revoked her diplomatic passport, and reports indicate she is living under Indian protection in Delhi. Her political asylum request to the United Kingdom appears to have been denied, leaving her effectively confined within India.

The fallout from Hasina’s exit has been seismic. Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal has issued an arrest warrant for Hasina on charges of “crimes against humanity” and “genocide,” allegations tied to her government’s crackdown on opposition groups.

Meanwhile, over 350 cases have been filed against Awami League officials, with more than 26,000 individuals named as accused and over 150,000 unidentified suspects facing legal action.

The once-formidable Awami League has fractured under pressure. Senior leaders are either imprisoned, in hiding, or seeking refuge abroad, participating in meetings remotely to evade capture. The party’s youth wing, the Chhatra League, has been banned by the interim government over accusations of involvement in “terrorist” activities.

The interim government, formed following the Anti-discrimination Student Movement that catalysed Hasina’s downfall, has pledged to restore democracy in Bangladesh. In a surprising overture, Awami League’s Joint General Secretary Hasan Mahmud has suggested a willingness to collaborate with the BNP to achieve this goal.

CONVICTED IN JANUARY, LEADING IN AUGUST: MUHAMMAD YUNUS AND BANGLADESH’S POLITICAL TURNAROUND

On New Year’s Day 2024, Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus a celebrated pioneer of microfinance, stood in a courtroom in Dhaka, sentenced to six months in prison for violating labour laws. Barely seven months later, he returned to the capital from Paris to assume leadership of the country as its interim head of state. His swearing-in marked a dramatic twist in Bangladesh’s turbulent political landscape, upending decades of entrenched power.

For Yunus, the role represented an unexpected chapter in his storied career. Known globally as the “banker of the poor” for founding Grameen Bank and championing microfinance, Yunus entered the political arena amid a mass movement led by students and citizens demanding change.

Yunus first gained global recognition in 2006 when he and Grameen Bank were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for efforts to lift millions out of poverty through small loans. His innovations earned him accolades worldwide, yet at home, his relationship with successive governments was fraught. His legal troubles intensified in recent years, culminating in his January conviction, which many of his supporters viewed as politically motivated.

“It was a strange turn of events,” Yunus said in an interview with NPR in October, reflecting on his rise to interim leadership. “I was in Paris, wondering whether to return because of the risk of arrest.”

“Suddenly I got a call from Bangladesh saying, ‘Sheikh Hasina has left the country. We want you to be the head of the government.’ It was a big surprise.”

The upheaval followed months of protests sparked by student-led calls for reform in government hiring practices. The movement, which began as a demand for changes to the civil service quota system, grew into a nationwide campaign against inequality, corruption, and authoritarian rule. By August, the protests had forced the resignation and exile of Hasina, ending her long tenure in power.

Faced with a power vacuum, leaders of the movement proposed Yunus’s name as interim head of state. With broad support from the president, the military, and opposition parties, Yunus reluctantly agreed to take on the role. His prior experience as an advisor to the 1996 caretaker government under Justice Muhammad Habibur Rahman gave him a foundation to navigate the challenges ahead.

“I had no intention of entering politics,” Yunus said. “But the situation required immediate reforms, and I felt a duty to contribute.”

Upon his return to Dhaka, Yunus was accorded a state welcome, a stark contrast to his recent courtroom appearances. He was swiftly acquitted of all charges before taking office, clearing his path to lead.

In his first months in office, Yunus has focused on steering Bangladesh toward what he calls a “new Bangladesh”—a vision rooted in transparency, inclusivity, and innovation. His administration has prioritized addressing economic disparities, fostering political stability, and reforming key institutions.

“We need to rebuild trust in governance and create opportunities for all citizens,” Yunus declared in a televised address.

The task is monumental. Bangladesh’s political landscape is deeply polarised, with a history of violent transitions of power. Yunus’s tenure has thus far been marked by cautious optimism, but analysts warn that his reform agenda will face significant resistance from entrenched interests.

Yunus’s ascension has captivated the nation, with many drawing parallels to his Nobel-winning work in empowering marginalised communities. Yet, his critics question whether his outsider status and lack of political ambition will hinder his ability to navigate the country’s deeply rooted political complexities.

“This is a turning point for Bangladesh,” said Anika Rahman, a political analyst in Dhaka. “But whether Yunus can sustain this momentum and deliver lasting change remains to be seen.”

KHALEDA RELEASED

Khaleda Zia, a three-time prime minister of Bangladesh and a central figure in the nation’s political landscape for decades, has been released from her long-standing legal troubles following the fall of the Awami League government. Her release marks a new chapter for the BNP leader, who has spent much of the past four years confined to her home under government-imposed conditions.

Zia, 79, has faced multiple legal battles over corruption charges, including a 2018 conviction related to the Zia Orphanage Trust case. Initially sentenced to five years in prison, her punishment was later increased to ten years after an appeal. She was also sentenced to seven years in a separate case involving the Zia Charitable Trust.

Her release came after a mass uprising that led to the resignation of Hasina and the dissolution of the 12th National Parliament. On Aug 6, the day after Hasina’s resignation, the BNP chairperson was granted a full pardon by presidential order. Her legal team is optimistic that similar verdicts will follow in the remaining cases against her.

Zia, who has long suffered from severe health issues, including liver cirrhosis, diabetes, and heart and kidney conditions, is expected to travel abroad for medical treatment. Preparations are reportedly underway for her to visit the United States via the United Kingdom, although the timeline remains unclear.

For the first time in six years, Zia made a public appearance on November 21 at the Armed Forces Day reception, signaling her gradual return to the public stage. A more significant political presence is anticipated later this month when she is scheduled to attend the Freedom Fighters Rally at the Bangabandhu International Conference Center.

If she participates, it will be her first appearance at a political program in over a decade, marking a dramatic return for a leader who has long been at the center of Bangladeshi politics.

The upheaval following the fall of the Awami League government has also placed President Mohammed Shahabuddin under intense scrutiny. While he initially retained his position due to constitutional constraints, an interview he gave in October sparked widespread controversy. In it, he stated that he lacked documentary evidence of Hasina’s resignation, a remark that some viewed as undermining his oath of office.

The comments drew criticism from various quarters, including the anti-discrimination student movement, which had already been demanding his resignation. Demonstrations outside the presidential residence, Bangabhaban, intensified, with protestors giving a 24-hour ultimatum for his departure.

Despite the mounting pressure, the BNP and the interim government advisors urged caution, emphasising the importance of avoiding a constitutional crisis. For now, the president remains in office, although speculation about his future persists.

WHEN WILL HE RETURN?

Amid the shifting political dynamics, attention has also turned to Tarique Rahman, the BNP’s acting chairman and Ms. Zia’s son. Tarique has lived in exile in London since 2008, facing multiple convictions in absentia during the Awami League’s tenure.

He has been sentenced in five cases, including life imprisonment in connection with the 2004 grenade attack on an Awami League rally. However, in a controversial decision, the High Court acquitted him and others involved in the case.

BNP leaders have signaled that Tarique’s return is imminent, contingent on the resolution of remaining legal challenges. “He will return if the false, politically motivated cases against him are resolved,” said BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir during a recent visit to London.

As Bangladesh enters a period of political transition, the return of Zia and the potential reintegration of Tarique could reshape the nation’s political landscape, setting the stage for new alliances and rivalries in the years ahead.

ECONOMY ON A TROUBLED PATH

The economy was already under strain at the start of the year, marked by political tensions surrounding the 12th general election.

Amid efforts to overcome liquidity shortages in a dozen banks and foreign currency crises, the exchange rate remained unstable.

Towards the end of the Awami League government's tenure, initiatives were taken to merge several weak banks with stronger ones in an attempt to reduce the number of struggling financial institutions.

Economic activities came to a near standstill in July as student protests demanding quota reform intensified.

Mid-month, the situation deteriorated further, leading to internet shutdowns and curfews.

When the communication system collapsed, Bangladesh was effectively cut off from the outside world.

This disruption dealt a severe blow to production, imports, and exports alike.

After the interim government assumed office, a wave of leadership changes swept through the country’s financial regulatory bodies.

Task forces and committees, including a White Paper Committee, were formed to address economic damages and investigate irregularities and corruption by the previous administration.

The new governor’s appointment stalled previous initiatives, including the bank merger process.

Boards of troubled banks under the control of conglomerates like S Alam Group were reshuffled.

As liquidity issues in Shariah-based banks triggered customer frustration, Bangladesh Bank facilitated loans through stronger banks.

However, this required the government to revert to the old practice of printing money.

The stock market, trapped in a downward spiral, failed to recover by year-end despite changes in its regulatory leadership.

Investor confidence remained elusive.

The interim administration intensified its investigation into allegations of money laundering against major corporate groups like S Alam, Beximco, Bashundhara, and Summit.

Bank accounts of these groups' directors and dependents were frozen, and their trading activities were suspended.

Liquidity shortages, turmoil in business sectors, and political instability have led to private sector credit flow plummeting to its lowest in three and a half years.

Many business figures with close ties to the Awami League government have gone into hiding, exacerbating the situation.

Revenue growth has slowed, while inflation has surged, adding further strain to the economy.

Despite these challenges, the International Monetary Fund, or IMF, approved the release of $645 million as the fourth tranche of an ongoing loan programme.

In addition, to bolster foreign currency reserves, implement financial sector reforms, and alleviate economic pressures, the international lender agreed to provide an additional $750 million in fresh funding outside the original agreement.

TURMOIL IN EDUCATION

Midway through the year, university faculty and staff launched a protest opposing the government’s Prottoy universal pension scheme.

Their work stoppage resulted in the suspension of classes and exams at public universities.

Later, former prime minister Hasina announced the cancellation of the scheme.

Amidst this, the High Court ruled the 2018 abolition of government job quotas invalid, sparking student protests.

Initially centred in Dhaka, the demonstrations quickly spread nationwide, with school and college students joining the movement.

When violence erupted during the protests, all educational institutions were closed, and university students were instructed to leave their halls.

However, the protests could not be quelled and soon transformed into an anti-government movement.

This culminated in a mass uprising, leading to the fall of the Hasina regime on Aug 5.

After the interim government assumed power, schools reopened, but significant administrative reshuffles in universities delayed the resumption of academic activities.

Although Higher Secondary Certificate, or HSC, and equivalent exams began on Jun 30, they were suspended mid-session due to the upheaval.

Following the fall of the Awami League government, the remaining exams were scheduled to resume on Sept 11.

However, students protested, demanding the cancellation of the pending exams.

In response, the education administration postponed the exams by two weeks and announced they would be conducted with halved marks.

However, students strongly opposed the decision, storming the Secretariat and staging a protest directly outside the education secretary's office.

Faced with mounting pressure, authorities were compelled to cancel the remaining exams.

The education boards evaluated students based on their Secondary School Certificate, or SSC and equivalent exam scores through subject mapping.

The results were published on Oct 15, with a pass rate of 77.78 percent.

The interim administration cancelled the new curriculum introduced by the Awami League and announced a return to the 2012 curriculum.

In addition, it announced the return of subject streams for tenth graders starting in 2025.

Amid widespread unrest, students of the seven government colleges affiliated with Dhaka University launched protests, demanding independent university status.

Continuous road blockades and public disruption prompted the education ministry to form a committee to address the colleges' academic and administrative challenges.

Another five-strong committee was established to assess the feasibility of transforming Government Titumir College into a university.

Before these issues were settled, clashes erupted on Nov 20 between students of Dhaka College and Dhaka City College, injuring over 150 students.

Dhaka College students demanded the relocation of Dhaka City College from the Science Laboratory area.

Following the death of a student, protests against “medical negligence” were held outside the National Medical College Hospital on Nov 21.

During the protest, students from Suhrawardy College and Kabi Nazrul College attacked students from Demra's Dr Mahbubur Rahman Mollah College.

On Nov 24, students from Mollah College and several other colleges carried out widespread vandalism at Dhaka National Medical College, Suhrawardy College, and Kabi Nazrul College, under the banner of the “Super Sunday” programme.

The following day, Suhrawardy College and Kabi Nazrul College students launched a counterattack, dubbing it the “Mega Monday” programme and stormed Mollah College in Demra.

The clash lasted for nearly two hours, leaving over 100 students injured.

In addition to the destruction at Mollah College, looting also occurred during the violence.

LAW AND ORDER DETERIORATES

After Hasina fled the country amidst the student-led mass uprising, police stations and installations became frequent targets of relentless attacks.

Along with indiscriminate attacks, there was widespread vandalism, looting, and arson.

The law enforcement system broke down in Bangladesh. With no traffic police on duty, chaos erupted on the roads, prompting students to step in and manage traffic themselves.

In response to rising fears of robberies, residents took up night patrols, armed with sticks, to safeguard their neighbourhoods.

As the night wore on, live Facebook posts emerged, claiming sightings of robbers in different areas.

To alleviate the panic, the army and Border Guard Bangladesh, or BGB, were deployed in the streets.

On Aug 6, police personnel gathered at the Rajarbagh Police Lines, citing allegations of casualties while carrying out government "directives”.

They presented a series of demands, seeking redress for their grievances.

Senior and former officers initially attempted to calm the situation through dialogue, but tensions remained high.

When an interim government was formed, efforts by the home advisor led to the gradual return of police forces to their stations.

According to Police Headquarters, 44 officers lost their lives in the violence that swept across the country.

There was a change in leadership across all units, including the top positions in the police and Rapid Action Battalion, or RAB.

Many police officials who were in charge during the previous government lost their jobs, and several, including the former inspector general, or IGP, were arrested.

To rejuvenate the police force, extensive transfers were conducted at all levels.

A commission was eventually formed to oversee the reform of the force.

NATURE’S WRATH

Throughout the year, Bangladesh has faced a series of natural disasters.

The summer kicked off with an unprecedented 37-day-long heatwave, marking one of the longest in recent memory.

Though the rain brought some respite, the scorching heat persisted until September.

The heatwave spread across the country in multiple phases.

On Apr 30, the third-highest temperature in the country’s history, 43.8°C, was recorded in Jashore.

This extreme heat led to a rise in heatstroke cases, with 15 people falling victim to the condition in the last week of April, 10 of them died.

Towards the end of May, Cyclone Remal struck the coast of Bangladesh, causing devastation in both Bangladesh and India, leaving 76 people dead.

In October, two severe cyclones, Dana and Fengal, developed in the Bay of Bengal.

While both caused significant damage in India, their impact on Bangladesh was minimal.

The country also faced a catastrophic flood from Aug 20 onwards due to upstream hilly runoff and heavy rainfall.

Areas like Feni, Cumilla, and Noakhali were severely affected, with residents claiming to have never witnessed such a terrifying flood in their lifetimes.

Experts criticised the lack of preparedness, highlighting gaps in state-level disaster management, despite prior warnings.

Although the forecast warned of heavy rain and flooding, residents of the affected areas said the message was not properly communicated within the communities.

As a result, they faced even greater hardship.

A group of researchers from the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology, or BUET, highlighted the influence of a "flying river" on catastrophic floods.

They explained that on Aug 18, a “flying river” formed in the Bay of Bengal, causing unusual rainfall upstream, which in turn led to the massive flood.

The August floods claimed the lives of 74 people across 11 districts, while 64 were injured.

According to government data, the combined damage to agriculture, homes, and infrastructure amounted to nearly 142.69 billion.

Around 9.42 million people were affected, with 4.56 million forced to seek shelter after losing their homes.

Heavy rainfall at the end of September flooded northern areas like Rangpur and Nilphamari, while a week of continuous downpours in early October caused the rivers to swell, flooding three districts in the Mymensingh Division.

A total of 238,000 people were affected, and 10 people lost their lives.

Earlier in the year, Sylhet and Sunamganj residents endured relentless flooding during the early monsoon, spending over two weeks in dire conditions.

Northern regions weren’t spared either, as rising water levels also inundated low-lying areas.

The beginning of July saw another wave of flooding, particularly in the northern and northeastern parts of the country, as river levels rose once again, submerging several villages.

TRAGEDIES, ACCIDENTS

One of the most talked-about incidents in Bangladesh this year was the devastating fire at the Green Cozy restaurant on Dhaka’s Bailey Road.

The Feb 29 incident claimed 46 lives, shedding light on irregular building practices, inadequate safety measures, and negligence from relevant government authorities.

The fire started in the evening at a coffee and tea shop on the ground floor of the "Green Cozy Cottage" building, sparked by an electric kettle.

The Fire Service later said the fire turned deadly due to gas spreading from a leakage.

Except for one floor, every level of the building housed a restaurant.

There was only one staircase, and the gas cylinders were stored haphazardly.

This caused the fire to spread quickly, and when it broke out, people were unable to escape, resulting in a higher death toll.

Following the incident, the Green Cozy Cottage was shut down.

Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha, RAJUK and the city corporations initiated crackdowns on unauthorised restaurants across Bailey Road and other parts of Dhaka.

Several restaurants were shut down and fined following the incident.

However, within a few months, most of these establishments reopened, and business resumed as usual.

On Apr 14 this year, in the Gabkhan Bridge Toll Plaza of Jhalakathi Sadar Upazila, a truck crashed into three autorickshaws and a car.

The incident resulted in the deaths of 14 people, including a child.

The truck driver reportedly lost control of the vehicle due to brake failure while descending from Gabkhan Bridge.

The cement-bearing truck crushed the vehicles ahead before plunging into a nearby ditch.

YEAR-END SURGE IN DENGUE CASES

This year in Bangladesh, dengue cases started rising towards the latter part of the monsoon season.

By year-end, the mosquito-borne disease had infected over 100,000 people, claiming more than 550 lives.

The number of hospitalised dengue patients this year ranks as the third-highest in the country's history. The record was set in 2023, with 321,179 hospital admissions and 1,705 fatalities.

In 2019, there were 101,354 recorded cases, resulting in 281 deaths.

The year, 2024 has witnessed the second-highest death toll from dengue.

Experts attribute this spike to the prolonged monsoon season, which extended the breeding window for mosquitoes.

The observation aligns with recent surveys conducted by the Directorate General of Health Services, or DGHS, highlighting the ongoing prevalence of mosquito activity.

Adding to the public health concerns this year was the emergence of two other mosquito-borne illnesses—Zika virus and Chikungunya.

For the first time, Bangladesh reported cases of all three diseases within the same year.

On Dec 2, during a press conference, the DGHS confirmed that the Institute of Epidemiology, Disease Control and Research, or IEDCR, had identified 11 cases of Zika virus infections across the country this year.

It was also reported that 67 cases of Chikungunya had been identified, further intensifying concerns over mosquito-borne diseases in Bangladesh.

MV ABDULLAH: A MONTH OF ANXIETY

The MV Abdullah, a Bangladesh-flagged bulk carrier - a type of merchant ship used to transport large amounts of cargo - was hijacked in March as it was heading from Mozambique to the United Arab Emirates.

The hijacking happened about 600 nautical miles east of Somalia's capital Mogadishu.

The pirates took control of the ship and its 23 sailors, threatening them with weapons, and steered the vessel towards the Somalia coast.

The news of the hijacking quickly reached Bangladesh, sparking widespread anxiety. The families of the sailors rushed to the ship's owner, SR Shipping, for information, while the government sprang into action.

Efforts to secure the release of the sailors began immediately.

Initially, the sailors sent audio messages to their families, informing them that the pirates had threatened to kill them one by one if the ransom was not paid.

As soon as the hijacking was reported, Indian naval forces and the European Union Naval Force Operation ATLANTA, Or EUNAVFOR ATLANTA, which patrols the waters off the coast of East Africa, began tracking the vessel.

Although international forces were eager to launch a mission to rescue the sailors, the families of the sailors and the ship's owners made it clear that they did not want such an operation.

The ship's owners said efforts would be made to secure the release of the vessel through negotiation.

On Mar 20, nine days after the hijacking, the pirates’ representatives first contacted the ship’s owner by phone.

Negotiations began, and after several days of discussions, an agreement was reached.

Three days later, on the night of Apr 13, the pirates released the ship and left.

It was later revealed that before their departure, three bags were dropped from an aircraft near the ship. While neither the ship’s owners nor the government commented on the matter, international media reported that a ransom of 5 million dollars had been paid for the release of the sailors.

After being freed, the MV Abdullah continued its journey to the UAE to unload its cargo.

On May 13, the crew returned to Bangladesh, bringing relief to dozens of families who had endured a month of uncertainty.

GRUESOME DEATH OF A LAWMAKER ABROAD

Anwarul Azim Anar, the three-time Member of Parliament from Jhenaidah-4, and president of the Kaliganj Upazila unit of the Awami League, went to India for medical treatment on May 11.

Initially, he stayed at the house of his friend and gold trader Gopal Biswas in Kolkata’s Baranagar. However, he went out one day and never came back.

Later, Gopal filed a general diary, or GD, at the local police station, triggering investigations in both countries.

On the morning of May 22, Indian media reported that MP Anar had been murdered at an apartment in New Town.

Later, the then home minister Asaduzzaman Khan confirmed the murder based on reports from the Indian police.

The disappearance of a public representative in India caused a stir in both countries.

Based on their investigation, Kolkata CID, along with the Dhaka Detective Branch, or DB, revealed that Anar’s childhood friend, Akhtaruzzaman aka Shaheen Mia, had reportedly plotted his murder.

Anar was killed and dismembered, with body parts discarded across multiple locations.

Indian police even found pieces of flesh in the septic tank of the New Town house.

In late November, Anar's daughter, Mumtarin Ferdoush Dorin, travelled to Kolkata, where she provided DNA samples.

After matching them with the remains found, Indian police confirmed that the body parts belonged to Anar.

Bangladesh DB police initially arrested three suspects linked to the crime, followed by four more.

A butcher named Jihad Howlader was arrested in India and Siam Hossain, Shaheen’s accomplice in Nepal.

Siam was later handed over to Indian police.

In August, Kolkata CID submitted a nearly 1,200-page charge sheet to the Barasat District Court in North 24 Parganas, where the trial has already begun.

Anar's daughter had filed another case in Dhaka for "abduction with intent to murder”.

However, there has been no update on the progress of this investigation following a shift in political power.

[Writing in English by Ruhshabah Tabassum Huda and Sheikh Fariha Bristy]